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       lite.cnn.com - on gopher - inofficial
       
       
       ARTICLE VIEW: 
       
       Opinion: To combat antisemitism, start by following the law
       
       Opinion by David Schizer
       
       Updated: 
       
       9:36 AM EDT, Thu April 18, 2024
       
       Source: CNN
       
       In 26 years as a faculty member at Columbia University, I have never
       seen the ugly face of antisemitism expose itself as it has this year.
       Universities must now reckon with how hate has manifested in
       environments dedicated to education and the exchange of ideas. As a
       co-chair of the university’s task force on antisemitism, I welcomed
       the opportunity to share what my university has learned as one of the
       witnesses at Wednesday’s .
       
       We are making progress in reversing the antisemitic tide, but there is
       still more to do. Indeed, we saw the vitriol on display just last
       month, when online an unauthorized speaker who made the outrageous
       statement that “there is nothing wrong with … being a fighter in
       Hamas.” Never mind that the US and European Union have . Is there
       really “nothing wrong” with the mass the group carried out on
       October 7?
       
       There have also been direct attacks on students. In the fall, one of my
       students who wears a kippah told me he was approached by a fellow
       student who said, “F–k the Jews.” Another told me of being spat
       upon at a protest. A student wearing a shirt with an Israeli flag was
       surrounded by protesters, and told to “keep f–king running” when
       he broke free.
       
       have also felt unwelcome in student groups having nothing to do with
       the Middle East. Why should they have to disavow Zionism to be in or an
       affinity group for LGBTQ students? This sort of pressure – signaling
       that Jews are accepted only if they reject a – sounds like
       old-fashioned bigotry from long ago. It is simply unacceptable.
       
       At the same time, I have been inspired to see many non-Jewish Columbia
       students, professors and administrators going the extra mile to
       champion a welcoming environment for Jews, Israelis and everyone else.
       It was very moving when the leader of the law school’s student senate
       posted a statement in October urging that “every single student in
       our law school deserves to feel safe and know that they belong.”
       
       This is a central value of our university. Indeed, it is a moral
       imperative. But unfortunately, some faculty, staff and students have
       fanned the flames. Others have tried to stay out of what they consider
       a mere political disagreement about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
       even when this mistreatment of Jews and Israelis rises to the level of
       harassment and discrimination.
       
       For those who are not motivated by principle to stop this misconduct, I
       have a simple message for you: You have to do it anyway because you
       need to follow the law. By following four legal principles,
       universities can prevent discrimination against Jews and others while
       also protecting free speech and academic freedom.
       
       Free speech is not a free lunch. Everyone must have the right to
       express their views, regardless of their viewpoint. State universities
       are obligated to follow the First Amendment, while private universities
       like Columbia typically choose to follow it. But under these free
       speech principles, people are not free to express themselves at any
       place, at any time and in a way that limits others from expressing
       their views or from exercising their rights as students to engage in
       the university’s main mission of teaching, learning and research.
       
       So although protests are important, they cannot disrupt classes or
       other activities. When one of the schools at Columbia, a student I know
       had to endure heckling for her pro-Israel views as she walked through
       them just to get to class. Likewise, pro-Palestinian protesters made it
       harder to hear the speakers – at an event promoting constructive
       conversations about the war in Gaza, no less!
       
       To protect everyone’s right to speak and learn, a “speakers’
       corner” approach, which allows protests in designated locations but
       bans them in academic buildings, dorms, libraries and dining halls.
       Violators first get a warning that will not remain on their record, and
       then the penalties become more severe. 
       
       Thou shall not discriminate. Under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of
       1964, learning and work environment for Jews, Israelis or any other
       protected class. This rule is not supposed to shield students from
       opinions they do not share – that would impede the university’s
       educational mission – but it should protect them from ethnic slurs
       (like “F–k the Jews”), as well as stereotyping and calls to
       violence.
       
       Unfortunately, some Columbia faculty and students asserted that are
       dangerous and should be barred from campus. Since most Israelis are
       required to serve in the military, this blatant stereotyping slings mud
       at nearly all Israeli students, faculty and staff.
       
       Calls for violence against a protected class are also problematic,
       although deciding what actually is a call for violence can be hard.
       “” (a chant that reportedly was heard at another university)
       clearly is, while “free Palestine” clearly is not. But what about
       “globalize the intifada” or “from the river to the sea”? Many
       Jewish students hear these chants as calls for violence (as I do),
       while many who use them say they are not.
       
       Under federal antidiscrimination rules, the answer can turn on the
       audience’s reaction or the speaker’s intent. So which is it? In
       recent years, as the task force noted in our report, , for instance,
       when Black, female or transgender students registered concerns in
       discussions of, for instance, policing, affirmative action, sexual
       assault and transgender rights. In other words, language is considered
       a call for violence when those audiences reasonably say that they hear
       it that way.
       
       But since October 7, when Jewish and Israeli students have lodged
       similar complaints, the focus has largely shifted from the . While
       there are policy justifications for either approach – that is, to
       prioritize either impact or intent – inconsistency is not
       justifiable. Universities cannot use one approach for Jews and another
       for other identity groups.
       
       Be consistent. Indeed, Title VI does not just ban discriminatory
       harassment and a hostile environment; it also bans inconsistent
       treatment of different identity groups. The statute does not authorize
       an “oppression Olympics,” in which identity groups jockey for a
       favored position. The statute guarantees them the same rights.
       
       This principle is also why it’s problematic to add a definition of
       antisemitism to a university’s antidiscrimination rules and then
       consider whether acts fit that definition or not. criticized our task
       force for not doing this, but it would have been a legal misstep.
       “antisemitism,” but a concepts that apply to all protected classes.
       Developing bespoke versions just for Jews – for instance,
       establishing an act as hostile only when it violates a particular
       definition of antisemitism – isn’t acceptable.
       
       Rules are not made to be broken. To protect speech and stop
       discrimination, universities need more than just the right words on a
       page. Their rules need to be enforced. Unfortunately, Columbia
       initially fell short in this effort after October 7.
       
       For example, at first the staff charged with managing protests did not
       try to stop ones that were not authorized. Instead, the goal was . This
       hands-off approach made more sense in the past when protests targeted
       university administrators. When I was a law school dean years ago, I
       knew that being the target of protests came with the job. But protests
       this year have been different, affecting not just administrators but
       other students, who are in a very different position.
       
       So the response to unauthorized protests has become more proactive.
       Students are told that they are breaking the rules and given a chance
       to stop. If they don’t, their names are taken and .
       
       Our task force has also recommended about rule violations, additional
       time to investigate them and the release of aggregate information about
       our disciplinary processes (to show that the university is taking
       infractions seriously). The university has worked to implement these
       and other ideas.
       
       Of course, the mission of a university is not merely enforcing rules
       but providing an education. Over time, opening minds with facts and
       analysis is the best defense against antisemitism and other bigotry.
       But to allow this educational process to flourish, we need to build it
       on a foundation of laws that are respected and enforced.
       
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